Fascist Chile (2021–2039)

Fascist Chile is the precise era of left-wing fascist PiNCeR party governance between 2021 and 2039 with José Antonio Kast as head of state and Carolina Goic head of government, and again between 2058 and 2132 under various El Primeros and Lugartenientes (although under a far weaker state, economically and militarily, and returned to its smaller, pre-WWIII size). The Chilean Fascists imposed totalitarian rule and crushed political and intellectual opposition, while promoting economic socialism, traditional social values and a rapprochement with the Roman Catholic Church, Russian Eurasia and Fascist Romania.

Kast was appointed Prime Minister of Chile from the newly-merged offices of Vice President and Interior Minister, by then-President Felipe Salazar, on 11 March 2021 - following the resignation of President Sebastian Pinera on that day a year earlier and the surge to prominence of the far-right and far-left in the ensuing 2020 snap elections. Although it was Kast who ran for and won the nomination of the newly-established 'National Peasants and Republicans Party' (PNCR) it is the largely left-wing to far-left movement of runner-up Christian Democratic Senator Carolina Goic that serves to pressure President Salazar into conceding some demands to Kast due to the closeness of the race. One of these includes a radical restructuring of the executive branch of government, which not only involves the restoration of the office of Vice President, but also the merger of this office with the interior ministry, and the election of Goic to Secretary General of the Presidency.

Goic manages to successfully run for president while also negotiating the reincorporation of the Christian Democratic Party into the New Majority coalition, which joins together with the PNCR to form a supermajority opposition to the President in the Senate, applying further pressure during and after the election. The Independent Democratic Union left the Chile Vamos coalition to join together with the New Majority and form the PNCR, initially bred out of fear of a second Operation Condor, and of the Salazar dynasty - the President himself the first cousin of Guatemalan military dictator Enrique Manuel Salazar - which both the extremes and centrists viewed as a U.S.–North American sleeper-cell in Chile. Even before seizing power, the PNCR began eliminating opposition within the legislature, beginning in the Chamber of Deputies and eventually consolidating its power all the way to La Moneda in the capital itself.

Operation Condor
Operation Condor was arguably the final large-scale proxy military operation undertaken by the superpowers of the Cold War. Implemented in 1975, the United States documentation shows that the United States provided key organizational, financial and technical assistance to the operation into the 1980s.

In declassified material, the CIA reports in July of 1976 of a "Third World War and South America," documenting the long-term dangers of a right-wing bloc and considering the cohesiveness of the six nations of the Southern Cone of South America: Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil. They argued that these regimes felt embattled by international Marxism and its terrorist components on one side, and the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by the terrorist propaganda. Also recommended by the Intelligence Community was that U.S. policy towards Operation Condor should emphasize the differences between these countries at every opportunity, to depoliticize humans rights, to oppose rhetorical exaggerations of the "Third-World-War" type, and bring the potential bloc members back into the U.S. cognitive universe via systematic exchanges.

The report notes, "the formation of special teams from member countries who are to carry out operations to include assassinations against terrorist or supporters of terrorist organizations." The report also highlighted the fact that these special teams were intelligence service agents rather than military personnel, however these teams did operate in structures reminiscent of U.S. special forces teams. Lastly, the report mentioned awareness of Operation Condor's plans to conduct possible operations in France and Portugal - a matter that would be prove to be extremely controversial later in Condor's history.

The United States government provided technical support and supplied military aid to the participants during the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations (1964-1989). As arms flowed to the contras, Savimbi's UNITA and the mujahideen, the Reagan Doctrine's advocates argued that the doctrine was yielding constructive results for U.S. interests and global democracy.

In Nicaragua, pressure from the Contras led the Sandinstas to end the State of Emergency, and they subsequently lost the 1990 elections. In Afghanistan, the mujahideen bled the Soviet Union's military and paved the way for Soviet military defeat. In Angola, Savimbi's resistance ultimately led to a decision by the Soviet Union and Cuba to bring their troops and military advisors home from Angola as part of a negotiated settlement.

All of these developments were Reagan Doctrine victories, the doctrine's advocates argue, laying the ground for the ultimate dissolution of the Soviet Union.

The Reagan Doctrine continued into the administration of Reagan's successor, George H. W. Bush, who won the U.S. presidency in November 1988. Bush's Presidency featured the final years of the Cold War and the Gulf War, but the Reagan Doctrine soon faded from U.S. policy as the Cold War ended. Bush also noted a presumed peace dividend to the end of the Cold War with economic benefits of a decrease in defense spending. However, following the presidency of Bill Clinton, a change in United States foreign policy was introduced with the presidency of his son George W. Bush and the new Bush Doctrine, who increased military spending in response to the World Trade Center attacks on 11 September, 2001, one of the most influential losses of a nation during the Frozen War and World War 3.

Augusto Pinochet was a Chilean general, politician and dictator of Chile between 1973 and 1990 who remained the Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 1998 and was also President of the Government Junta of Chile between 1973 and 1981. Pinochet assumed power in Chile following a United States-backed coup d'état on 11 September 1973 that overthrew the democratically elected socialist Unidad Popular government of President Salvador Allende and ended civilian rule.

Following his rise to power, Pinochet persecuted leftists, socialists, and political critics, resulting in the executions of from 1,200 to 3,200 people, the internment of as many as 80,000 people and the torture of tens of thousands. According to the Chilean government, the number of executions and forced disappearances was 3,095.

Colonia Dignidad ("Dignity Colony") was an isolated colony of Germans and Chileans established in post-World War II Chile by emigrant Germans which became infamous for the internment, torture, and murder of dissidents during the military regime of General Augusto Pinochet in the 1970s while under the leadership of German fugitive Paul Schäfer. The name of the settlement was changed to Villa Baviera in 1991.

Colonia Dignidad's longest continuous leader, Paul Schäfer, arrived in the colony in 1961. Schäfer was a fugitive, accused of child molestation in the former West Germany. The organization he led in Chile was described, alternately, as a cult or as a group of "harmless eccentrics". The organization was secretive, and the Colonia was surrounded by barbed wire fences, and featured a watchtower and searchlights, and was later reported to contain secret weapon caches. In recent decades, external investigations, including efforts by the Chilean government, uncovered a history of criminal activity in the enclave, including child sexual abuse. As well, the findings include that its legal activities were supplemented by income related to weapons sales and money laundering

Pinochet's 17-year rule was given a legal framework through a controversial 1980 plebiscite, which approved a new constitution drafted by a government-appointed commission. In a 1988 plebiscite, 56% voted against Pinochet's continuing as president, which led to democratic elections for the presidency and Congress. After stepping down in 1990, Pinochet continued to serve as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 10 March 1998, when he retired and became a senator-for-life in accordance with his 1980 Constitution. However, Pinochet was arrested under an international arrest warrant on a visit to London on 10 October 1998 in connection with numerous human rights violations. Following a legal battle, he was released on grounds of ill-health and returned to Chile on 3 March 2000. In 2004, Chilean Judge Juan Guzmán Tapia ruled that Pinochet was medically fit to stand trial and placed him under house arrest.

South American Crisis


Throughout the late-2010’s and into the 2020’s, relations between Fascist Argentina (1989–2026) and Russia expand and consolidate, while Argentina and Chile simultaneously deepen their military cooperation. It is through Argentina that Chile and Russia came to be so close by the early 2020’s, just prior to the final escalation in global confrontation. As early as September 2016, then President of Ecuador Rafael Correa warned of a potential ‘Operation Condor 2.0,’ in which out of fear of a resurgent Russia, the U.S. begins funding into power authoritarian regimes that would support them in lieu of Moscow. This enabling of the right-wing is most prominent in the primary two offenders of the previous campaign of state-sponsored terrorism: Argentina and Chile.

Beginning in 2016, Alberto Curamil, a Mapuche environmental activist, successfully blocked the construction of two hydroelectric power projects. Chilean authorities arrested him in 2018, seemingly putting to bed the goals of Mapuche indigenous peoples for autonomy and freedom from Argentine–Chilean ethno-nationalism, until in 2019. Curamil is given the prestigious Goldman Prize award by an international human rights body, giving right-wing President Sebastian Pinera the first headache of his administration, and jump-starting what would become a near-decade-long conflict for the liberation of the Mapuche and indigenous peoples across the Americas. In June 2018, a controversial and outsized response to violence in the poorest region of Chile known as Araucania, came in response to a wave of arson and other attacks against primarily forestry companies by indigenous Mapuche and their allies. “Jungle Command,” the special militarized police unit created by Pinera, drew massive backlash with protests reaching as far away as Santiago, when a protestor on a tractor named Camilo Catrillanca was shot through the head by Commandos near the village of Ercilla in November of that same year. Even despite the growing backlash against the Colombian-trained Jungle Commandos, equipped with bullet-proof jackets, drones and high-tech surveillance and communications systems, Pinera continues to defend his Araucania policy – entrenching the opposition and drawing condemnation of the Chilean government from international bodies such as the United Nations and Amnesty International as well as the international community writ large.

After the failure of the uprising against Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in the spring of 2019, interests involving American imperialism for resources among other reasons such as soft warfare against the Venezuelan populace itself results in an inevitable and incredibly bloody Civil War in Venezuela in mid-2020, in which the US military intervention fails catastrophically. The repercussions cripple Colombia, which finds itself not only engaging FARC rebels, but simultaneously fighting off Tupamaro insurgencies on its Eastern border. This causes a ripple effect across Western South America, affecting the Peruvian and Ecuadorian economies as well.

By this point in time, Argentina - already recoiling from economic and political crises from the 1990's and 2000's - was on the verge of becoming a failed state with the return of the Kirchner Dynasty and their subsequent sell-out to Chile regarding the New South American Depression beginning in Argentina and Venezuela. The economic instability in its Southwestern neighbor results in parallel instability in Brazil, which soon directly results in the overthrow of its controversial and authoritarian regime being overthrown by an alliance of gangs and criminal organizations with Chilean and Portuguese assistance. The new regime that claims power in Brasilia that same year severs ties with the Chilean-spearheaded Prosur out of defiance to the rising geopolitical clout of its new regional rival, the Republic of Chile. But this would be only the beginning.

Despite Brazil's overwhelming numerical advantage, the geographically-strategic location and technological supremacy of Chile would prove too much of a threat to overcome, let alone ignore. Brazil assumes a non-aligned, neutral stance in South America similar to Switzerland in Europe, while the Southern Cone continued to exert increasingly more influence throughout South America, and Latin America as a whole.

But perhaps the most impressive of Chile's weaponry was its unrivaled martial prowess in general. Dressed in dark gray, with the iconic Stahlhelme helmets on their heads, Chile’s soldiers bear more than a passing resemblance to the Wehrmacht of World War 2. The colorful sashes and ceremonial rapiers of their officers seem to have been pulled directly from a history book, with the goose-stepping hammering home the point. However, the Chilean military didn’t just decide to embrace the Nazi aesthetic and lift the Prussian drill and doctrine from a history book. Rather, its distinctly Teutonic style has its roots in the 19th Century.



In the 1880s, Chile managed to prevail over Bolivia and Peru in the War of The Pacific, a dust-up over mining territory in the Atacama desert. Its military wasn’t in great shape, however, and its leaders wanted to bring in some external help to gain an edge over Chile’s neighbors. Enter the Prussians. Under Otto von Bismarck, the Prussians had managed in 1870 to unify the splintered principalities of northern Germany and win the Franco-Prussian War inside of ten months. Despite its small size, Prussia had a hardcore military culture and could hold its own against far larger European powers. The Chileans shipped a bunch of Prussian officers over to whip its military into shape, and by the time the Prussian Captain Emil Körner retired as the Commanding General of the Chilean Armed Forces in 1910, the country’s martial prowess was unmatched in South America.

Within a few years of Brazil's crisis, Argentina's civil unrest, and the collapse of the Peruvian and Colombian economies, following - of course - the Venezuelan Civil War, Brazil had been largely isolated and cut off from the West of the continent, and Argentina militarily suppressed by the Chileans. Resistance movements fomented - and faltered - in Ecuador, Northern Colombia, and even as far north as Panama, Costa Rica and Honduras in 2020, 2021 and 2022 respectively. But the sheer tactical, strategic and technological superiority of the Chilean military was insurmountable, with no Brazil or America to come to the rescue, even all of the rest of the South American countries combined were unable to penetrate through the Andes - the longest and largest mountain range outside of Asia - or make it through the thousands of kilometers of secured coastline - to strike anywhere vital to the aggressors' infrastructure. The best case scenario involving a defeat for Chile, sooner rather than later, was for the U.S. to collect itself long enough to deliver a tactical nuclear bombardment - and even then, Chile grew closer to Russia militarily with each passing day, and even Chile itself was on the verge of attaining nuclear weapons of its own.

Chilean aggression

 * See: Chilean–Bolivian Territorial Crisis, Argentine Crisis, BAP Almirante Grau hijacking, Argentine–Chilean Invasion of Peru, Chilean–Cuban Invasion of Central America, Chilean Invasion of Bolivia, & Chilean Invasion of Baja California



2021-2024
Immediately following the short and brutal Venezuelan Civil War was the three-year-long Argentine Crisis, instigated by Crypto-Nazi Chilean ultranationalists that wished to unite all of Latin America under the flag of Chile, while also utilizing the at this point year-long Mapuche Uprising as their primary scapegoat for fearmongering. The largely-isolated supporters of Pinochet and Colonia Dignidad had surged to prominence amid the growing backlash against the right-wing government of Sebastian Pinera, as well as the socialists of Michelle Bachelet, who were united in their disdain of the Theocratic movement. Finding its origin amid backing and funding from the Nationalist Bolsheviks of Russia and the Iron Legionnaires of Rome, and pro-Legionnaire Clergy in Vatican City and throughout Latin America and Europe, the ‘National Peasants and Republicans Party’ (Partido Nacional Campesinos y Republicanos in Spanish, Partido Nacional dos Camponeses e Republicanos in Portuguese – PNCR, or “PiNCeR”) attained a worldwide presence. Although in most developed countries where the Pincer had official recognition as a political party they had a slight if even marginal existence, throughout the Middle-East and Latin America they were highly organized and involved in local and regional politics, with their representatives reaching the national stage in Brazil, Egypt, Venezuela, Sudan, Iraq, Syria, Paraguay, Iran, Libya, El Salvador, Algeria and Tunisia. However, it is only in Chile that such a rabid strain of Nazbols would come to absolute power outside of Russia. Even gang-controlled Brazil kept the budding regime in Chile at an arm’s-length, preferring to remain neutral.

After Pinera’s resignation and the PNCR surge to power in the winter of 2020, the Chilean military brass were replaced with pro-Pincer loyalists, and a purge was initiated freakishly similar to the Nazis in 1930’s Weimar Germany. Pincer storm troopers patrolled the streets of South and Central American capitals and big cities, bullying, threatening and – eventually – killing its critics or people who thought differently, and its apologists and allies were deeply embedded within the North American government. The Pincer believed South America should be preserved for the ‘lineage of [their] fathers,’ which in their terms meant “White South America”. This put the Centrist government of Mauricio Macri directly in the crosshairs of the Chilean juggernaut, which happened to coincide just as one of its closest allies in Latin America – Peru – lost its recently-retired flagship, the Almirante Grau, to a terrorist hijacking by perpetrators believed to be tied to Chile. The missing ‘gun cruiser’ puts the world into a state of terror, knowing that one of the most powerful weapons of war on the planet was potentially in the hands of terrorists. This pandemonium is seized upon by the Argentine PNCR, which throws the country into a state of crisis and sees the return of the Kirchner dynasty less than a year later. The Anti-Fascist resistance fights on for years to come, but the fighters are reinforced month after month, year after year, by Chilean armor and artillery that cut through the Andes via bottleneck and switchback in hit-and-run attacks impossible to defend against and impossible to retaliate against, the dug-in columns of hostile armor and the sheer firepower awaiting both infantry and air craft attempting to bomb them out greeted with the same result each time – no matter the attack angle, the Andes themselves posing the greatest natural obstacle to the Argentine resistance. After almost two years of fighting against the Argentine government and Chile’s armed and paramilitary forces across the Southern Cone, the resistance falters in Argentina, and the country de facto falls under the influence of Chile. At the same time, the Chilean Armed Forces launch full-fledged military attacks in Talara, Callao and Iquitos in Peru, and the Taura and Simon Bolivar air bases in Ecuador. After these attacks, Chile directed its Navy at Central America and Baja California with Cuban air support, while launching ‘shock-and-awe’ maneuvers against southeastern Peru in the other direction. Despite how thinly-dispersed its Armed Forces were at the time, the methodical precision and preparation laid out beforehand by the Pincer was impeccable and uncanny.

From March 2021 to August 2022, the alliance between the Panamanian, Honduran and Colombian states is broken when the latter of the three withdraws after military bases in San Andres and Buenoventura are hit by air strikes, killing 1,000 soldiers atop the thousands of others that had been killed or disappeared by the Pincer reign of terror over South America. Until 2022, an ailing Central American resistance to the Chilean and Cuban militants persists on a trickle of U.S. and North American aid, but the millions of displaced adding to the Venezuelan refugee crisis destabilizes virtually every country south of North American Mexico, and leaves Baja California wide open to an attack by Chilean forces. With the newly-dependent autonomies of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama united under the flag of a Californian–Mexican federal entity; a level of civil unrest and socioeconomic instability unseen since the Central American Crisis of the late 1970’s wrought the region and left it at the mercy of relentless Pincer terrorism and Chilean ultranationalism backed by the rogue state of Texas. As opposed to coming to the aid of their southern neighbors like the binding treaty obligated them to in such a situation, California and Mexico – and thus, North America – declares neutrality alongside Brazil, Peru and Texas.

The 2022–2024 War in El Salvador begins when the Salvadoran Army spearheading an independence movement launches attacks in what would begin the Nicaraguan–Salvadoran War and the Battles of Leon and Managua indicative therein. The sporadic skirmishes and attacks by Salvador backed by Chile gradually escalate and accelerate throughout the fall of 2022 and spring of 2023, culminating in a full-fledged Invasion of Nicaragua by the Salvadoran Army and Navy, with the apex of the fighting in Leon and throughout northwest Nicaragua. The fighting results in a unified North American–US condemnation of El Salvador, and the Chilean government’s support for the attack on Nicaragua, seen as an attack against the entire North American continent. Authorities in Los Angeles and Mexico City had little to complain about regarding the pro-Russian state of Chile’s expansionism, as the neutralization of Ecuador and Colombia following a protracted war with Peru serves to push the former two countries into North America’s budding orbit outside of the United States’… that is, until, Pincer Chile’s designs set upon the Baja California peninsula. Specifically, one of the most prominent metropolitan centers on the North American continent – Tijuana.

Chilean–Argentinian Attack on Tijuana


The international community condemns Chile and Argentina and calls on them to withdraw from Peru, Ecuador and Central America – particularly Chile with its support of El Salvador’s aggression in Nicaragua. Santiago and Buenos Aires respond with, “the needs of Latin America come first,” and declared their governments the rightful protectors of that region, insisting the United States and Europe were attempting to fulfill a “socialist empire agenda,” in the Western Hemisphere and that they needed to be stopped, accelerating their attacks with a sizeable invasion and outright annexation of Southeastern Peru and Western Argentina. Following this, Chile and Argentina begin plans for an attack on Baja California.

Using connections to the Cuban government, Texan paramilitary and Mexican drug cartels, Chile seizes upon the fragile North American continent to launch attacks in occupied Mexico preceding a massive offensive in Tijuana – putting the country at direct odds with the unrecognized, Californian-led territory – and unites the rival American countries of North America and the U.S. in one crucial commonality: prioritization of the end of Imperialist Chile. Chilean allies in Cuba and Argentina pound Mexico with air strikes, heavy artillery and missiles while the Argentine navy and army assist the Chilean air strikes and bombings in Tijuana and Salvadoran terror attacks across the Baja California peninsula. The largest sites of conflict initially began in the first quarter 2023 in Los Cabos, Baja California Sur. A population of over 200,000 was displaced by the fighting between Chilean and Coalition forces, with nearly 70,000 caught in the warzone and 4,000 civilian dead by the end of hostilities.

The Battle of Tijuana and the subsequent and connected Siege of Mexicali lasted from July and August 2023 respectively until April 2024, with a total body count hovering around 20,000 with nearly 400,000 displaced. Although stretched thin, the U.S. military with assistance from North America, Canada, Colombia, NATO and Brazil are able to repulse the Argentinian–Chilean offensive on the continent by mid-2024, with the total in the Baja California Campaign at nearly 30,000 dead. And although the Chileans and their South American allies retreat to lick their wounds, the battle a defeat for them, this perceived slight against the Chilean state and South America as a whole by the North and their Allies would merely serve to fuel the burning passion within Chilean society to reinvigorate the idea of Prussia and a feared Germanic counterbalance to the West and the East. As a result, the Pincer would solidify their control of the Chilean government, and accelerate still further their paramilitary and asymmetric attacks against Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador. By the end of the year, El Salvador had been reclaimed by more moderate elements in line with the pro-American governments of Nicaragua and Guatemala and the pro-Chilean insurgency was thus pushed back and slowly tamped down throughout 2025 before being fully neutralized in early 2026, a ceasefire and surrender signed in San Salvador on 5 April 2026.

2024
January 2024 – Chilean armor and tanks supporting ethno-nationalist Romanian-Ukrainians are spotted by satellite in Zakarpattia and Chernivtsi Oblasts, the northwestern Bulgarian provinces of Vidin, Montana and Vratsa, the easternmost Slovak regions of Prešov and Košice and throughout the Subcarpathian region, fighting alongside the Українська Національна Асамблея-Українська Народна Самооборона, (УНА-УНСО) and involving extensive militant violence against Hungarian and Romanian diaspora. U.S. Intelligence and scout units active in Serbia and the surrounding Balkans confirm that УНА-УНСО and the Chileans had been utilizing Russian and Serbian-manufactured weapons and equipment, and air drops are confirmed from the aforementioned countries which are revealed to be stoking unrest and instability in Slovakia, Ukraine, Hungary and the Romanian-Hungarian border regions of Transylvania, attempting to incite Hungary into conflict with Romania. Later intel uncovers efforts by Chile and Ukrainian left-wing ultranationalists to recruit Ukrainian-Romanians to their cause, and scapegoat Hungary against Romania, to test the strength and power of the Romanian and Slavic people, with Hungary as a "sacrifice". This is revealed by RECON to be a reaction, mostly on the part of anti-government Ukrainian nationalists, and backlash in response to the Ukrainian government's incompetence and the EU's and NATO's neutrality with regard to Russian aggression against Ukraine in the Sea of Azov - in which Ukraine and the U.S. were rebuked by Germany, the EU and NATO. RECON points out that this was the fault of the U.S. for inflaming tensions between Eurasia and the West, and further goes into the root causes of the Ukrainian Civil War – that the EU went about ousting Yanukovych in the incorrect way, which in turn caused the current polarization between NATO and Russia, threatening humanity with a Third Global Confrontation.

2025
November – The People's Liberation Army and Shanghai declares COSECTOR an illegal organization, and that Moscow is merely illegally occupying the former Soviet Republics. Under international law they would be correct, but the IF (at this point consisting only of scattered, disorganized factions outside of North America) would say otherwise, accusing them of acts of “statist-neofascist techniques of regionalist aggression”. The Independence Front (citing their policy of non-alignment and prevention of nuclear arms race), along with the states loyal to the “Pact” – abstain, although this does nothing to prevent the continuing NATO provocation of Russia, and thus, the COSECTOR and their allies. The US embassy is closed in China, further gapping the already massive rift between NATO-aligned and IF-aligned countries. With the suspension of U.S.–Chinese relations, Shanghai quietly gives SCO and ASEAN member-states a silent nod of approval for their support of the Pact, and soon after retract their statements critical of Russia. As China retreats into isolation, the Pact expands from its founding members to include all of the Shanghai Pact nations, South Korea, all of Southeast Asia, including Australia and all the countries of the Françafrique.

With an international and intercontinental military alliance of nearly 30 countries, China had effectively leveled the playing field with no more than a quick 30 minute meeting and no more than a few sentences. Unfortunately for the CCP, this calculated move would turn out to be an unforced error benefiting the neighboring regime in North Korea.

Shortly thereafter, North Korea is accused of being the true origin of the 'Taiwanese-backed Chinese Democrats', with a left-wing Chinese ultranationalist general seizing absolute control of the city of Shanghai in the wake of the Beijing Bombings and enacting a mandatory military-to-person interaction in government - effectively shutting out the CCP in a military junta. Like North Korea, the new regime in Shanghai enlists nearly all of their manpower fit-for-service into their reserves, and after the English, German, Turkish, Norwegian and Italian ambassadors are purged from all EU member-state capitals for being accused of ties to the new North Korean-aligned regime in Shanghai, North Korea activates their paramilitary reserves, bringing their active manpower to over 9 million – growing to become the single largest standing army on Earth – surpassed only by Russia and Argentina. At the command of Santiago, Argentina, Brazil (at this point essentially a puppet regime of Buenos Aires) and Chile make plans to embark upon their own political expansion; eventually annexing the Falkland Islands, the Southern Lesser Antilles and Guyanas (plunging Chilean-Brazilian occupiers in the latter two states into frozen conflicts with NATO, North America and the Commonwealth respectively) in a joint Russian–Chilean offensive commanded by the Kremlin, the Chilean–Brazilian military command and Ukrainian SBU Agent Nikita Kravychko. The propaganda is powerful, painting both England and Germany as degenerate, but stressing that Chile “spearheaded” by Brazil and the Co-Sectors' Russia, running an internationalist campaign built on uniting Spanish-speakers everywhere was key to forming an effective bulwark against Brussels.



Chile and Russia were two of only 9 countries with nuclear weapons, supported by a fleet of over 100 commissioned vessels spearheaded by an aircraft carrier. In addition, Russia and Chile were overall two of the top thirty war powers on Earth – with nearly 80 million in manpower, over 65,000 armored fighting vehicles and tanks, and the final battleship in service on the planet between the two of them alone. Chile possessed dozens of nuclear weapons, and untold supplies of other chemical, mechanical and biological weapons, and was backed by Argentina and Brazil. The latter of which was the fifth-largest country on the planet.

With the US sanctioned, Africa in turmoil, and NATO forces bogged down in the conflict overseas, when NORAD goes dark barely any military forces active there realize. With the North American continent blind, isolated and wide-open, and 4 of the 10 active US supercarriers (one had gone missing in the Mediterranean a half-hour after the nuking), along with nearly 100 (nearly a third) of the U.S. surface fleet docked at Naval Base Norfolk, and roughly a quarter of America’s Air Power stationed there as well – what happens next would remain burned into the collective unconscious of Western Civilization for centuries...



November 14th – The Nuclear Bombing of Colorado Springs was at first attributed to terrorism, but later found out to be England with assistance from the North Americans. Over 200,000 people are killed instantaneously and another 100,000 by the Wars’ end, the nation is paralyzed. Before anything can be done to alleviate the absence of NORAD and air reconnaissance, with roughly half of America’s military in North Africa fighting against the Saudis and insurgents and an international effort to curtail the damage of the bombing’s fallout, literally beyond the radar the all-too-familiar silhouette of a battlecruiser last seen under the command of the Peruvian Navy in 2017, 4 carriers, the 100,000-ton, 1,100-foot-long Shtorm supercarrier from Russia, the former-USS Kitty Hawk – which US Intelligence denote as originating from the U.K. – 2 Kuznetsov-class aircraft carriers and a strike group of dozens of other Russian and Chilean warships of various size and class show up off the shoreline of Naval Base Norfolk. The sleeping giant is, poetically-speaking, slain in his slumber. The flagship, the dreadnought battleship formerly known as the Peruvian battlecruiser "Almirante Grau," and now known by the Chileans as the infamous Cóndor de Litio' ("Lithium Condor"), launches a missile bombardment – with accompanying strikes from the carrier strike group – effectively neutralizing the base’s and docked carriers’ shoreline and air defense systems in one fell swoop. Following this – a joint-squadron assault of Russian, Brazilian and Chilean air forces, fighters, bombers, and attack helicopters bombard, and destroy, the four docked supercarriers, and over the course of a half-hour (even amid a hastily thrown-together counterattack from Norfolk forces stationed there and abroad), with staggeringly-high levels of ballistics support from the surface battalion (nearly 100 ships “spilling” out of the canal, able to be seen from orbit) the entire base is wiped out – along with every man, officer and military asset – down to the last scrap of equipment – erased from existence.

Knowing full-well the staggering level of martial power the United States possessed, the entire continent of North America is paralyzed in terror. Chile and Eurasia (with Brazilian naval and air assistance) had effectively yanked the titan that was once the U.S. military down to their level by its Achilles’ tendon, while simultaneously allowing the American State the opportunity to assert its sovereignty and control of the region, starting with Naval Base Norfolk. Every strategic move made by Chile, Eurasia and Brazil had been executed perfectly and without error – and now the U.S. was fighting an even battle with England alone, and Eurasia had officially eclipsed U.S. military prowess. To make matters even worse – a naval strike battalion of hundreds of Communist-loyalists composed of the Chinese navy was on its way across the pacific, China was positioning its 714-vessel-strong Navy into a threatening geographically-strategic formation at premeditated locations across the world, and U.S. ally Japan was powerless to do anything about it.

Less than 24 hours later, NATO invokes Article 5 of the Collective Defense Treaty and multilaterally declares war on Russia, Argentina and Chile for attacking NATO, and thus attacking their territorial integrity, as well as the theft of nuclear weapons from the US – originally attributed to the nation in question.

"Eleven-Fourteen" or "11/14" is seen as the second-major military defeat of the U.S. in WWIII, much like its counterpart catastrophe, Nine-Eleven "9/11", wherein thousands - both military and otherwise - perish at the hands of hostile actors due to U.S. government ineptitude.

Russia and Chile emerge as the Japan and Germany of the imminent Third Global Confrontation. With NATO on one side; South America and the COSECTOR on the other, our embattled planet Earth’s various warring nations, territories and governments had solidified into two, roughly three, adversarial factions vying for control of said associated territories. This was the Apex of World War III.